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Manifesto: blueprints for control

Communist manifesto

1. Abolition of private property and the application of all rent to public purpose.

2. A heavy progressive or graduated income tax.

3. Abolition of all rights of inheritance

4. Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels

5. Centralization of credit in the hands of the State, by means of a national bank with state capital and an exclusive monopoly.

6. Centralization of the means of communication and transportation in the hands of the State

7. Extention of factories and instruments of production owned by the State, the bringing into cultivation of waste lands, and the improvement of the soil generally in accordance with a common plan.

8. Equal liablity of all to labor. Establishment of Industrial armies, especially for agriculture.

9. Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries; gradual abolition of the distinction between town and country by a more equable distribution of the population over the country.

10. Free education for all children in government schools. Abolition of children's factory labor in its present form. Combination of education with industrial production, etc. etc.

read the full manifesto

 

Contents of the Italian Fascist Manifesto

The Manifesto is divided into four sections, describing Fascist objectives in political, social, military and financial fields.

Politically, the Manifesto calls for: universal suffrage at age 18

proportional representation on a regional basis

voting for women

representation at government level of newly created National Councils by economic sector, and the abolition of the Senate

The National Councils would combine workers, professionals and employers. The concept was rooted in corporatist ideology and derived in part from Catholic church social doctrine,

At the time, the Senate, as the upper house of parliament, was elected by the wealthier citizens; with the practical agreement of the King. (It has been described as a sort of extended council of the Crown.)

In labour and social policy, the Manifesto calls for:

an 8-hour day and a minimum wage

involvement of workers' representatives in industry

reorganisation of the transport sector

revision of the draft law on invalidity insurance, and reduction of the retirement age from 65 to 55.

In military affairs, the Manifesto advocates:

creation of a short-service national militia with specifically defensive responsibilities armaments factories are to be nationalised, and a peaceful but competitive foreign policy.

In finance, the Manifesto advocates:

a heavy progressive tax on capital (envisaging a "partial expropriation" of concentrated wealth)

expropriation of the property of religious congregations

revision of all contracts for military provisions and sequestration of 85% of all war profits by the state.

wikipedia

 

The program of the NSDAP [German National Socialist Party]

The program is the political foundation of the NSDAP and accordingly the primary political law of the State. It has been made brief and clear intentionally.

All legal precepts must be applied in the spirit of the party program.

Since the taking over of control, the Fuehrer has succeeded in the realization of essential portions of the Party program from the fundamentals to the detail.

The Party Program of the NSDAP was proclaimed on the 24 February 1920 by Adolf Hitler at the first large Party gathering in Munich and since that day has remained unaltered. Within the national socialist philosophy is summarized in 25 points:

1. We demand the unification of all Germans in the Greater Germany on the basis of the right of self-determination of peoples.

2. We demand equality of rights for the German people in respect to the other nations; abrogation of the peace treaties of Versailles and St. Germain.

3. We demand land and territory (colonies) for the sustenance of our people, and colonization for our surplus population.

4. Only a member of the race can be a citizen. A member of the race can only be one who is of German blood, without consideration of creed. Consequently no Jew can be a member of the race.

5. Whoever has no citizenship is to be able to live in Germany only as a guest, and must be under the authority of legislation for foreigners.

6. The right to determine matters concerning administration and law belongs only to the citizen. Therefore we demand that every public office, of any sort whatsoever, whether in the Reich, the county or municipality, be filled only by citizens. We combat the corrupting parliamentary economy, office-holding only according to party inclinations without consideration of character or abilities.

7. We demand that the state be charged first with providing the opportunity for a livelihood and way of life for the citizens. If it is impossible to sustain the total population of the State, then the members of foreign nations (non-citizens) are to be expelled from the Reich.

8. Any further immigration of non-citizens is to be prevented. We demand that all non-Germans, who have immigrated to Germany since the 2 August 1914, be forced immediately to leave the Reich.

9. All citizens must have equal rights and obligations.

10. The first obligation of every citizen must be to work both spiritually and physically. The activity of individuals is not to counteract the interests of the universality, but must have its result within the framework of the whole for the benefit of all Consequently we demand:

11. Abolition of unearned (work and labour) incomes. Breaking of rent-slavery.

12. In consideration of the monstrous sacrifice in property and blood that each war demands of the people personal enrichment through a war must be designated as a crime against the people. Therefore we demand the total confiscation of all war profits.

13. We demand the nationalization of all (previous) associated industries (trusts).

14. We demand a division of profits of all heavy industries.

15. We demand an expansion on a large scale of old age welfare.

16. We demand the creation of a healthy middle class and its conservation, immediate communalization of the great warehouses and their being leased at low cost to small firms, the utmost consideration of all small firms in contracts with the State, county or municipality.

17. We demand a land reform suitable to our needs, provision of a law for the free expropriation of land for the purposes of public utility, abolition of taxes on land and prevention of all speculation in land.

18. We demand struggle without consideration against those whose activity is injurious to the general interest. Common national criminals, usurers, Schieber and so forth are to be punished with death, without consideration of confession or race.

19. We demand substitution of a German common law in place of the Roman Law serving a materialistic world-order.

20. The state is to be responsible for a fundamental reconstruction of our whole national education program, to enable every capable and industrious German to obtain higher education and subsequently introduction into leading positions. The plans of instruction of all educational institutions are to conform with the experiences of practical life. The comprehension of the concept of the State must be striven for by the school [Staatsbuergerkunde] as early as the beginning of understanding. We demand the education at the expense of the State of outstanding intellectually gifted children of poor parents without consideration of position or profession.

21. The State is to care for the elevating national health by protecting the mother and child, by outlawing child-labor, by the encouragement of physical fitness, by means of the legal establishment of a gymnastic and sport obligation, by the utmost support of all organizations concerned with the physical instruction of the young.

22. We demand abolition of the mercenary troops and formation of a national army.

23. We demand legal opposition to known lies and their promulgation through the press. In order to enable the provision of a German press, we demand, that: a. All writers and employees of the newspapers appearing in the German language be members of the race: b. Non-German newspapers be required to have the express permission of the State to be published. They may not be printed in the German language: c. Non-Germans are forbidden by law any financial interest in German publications, or any influence on them, and as punishment for violations the closing of such a publication as well as the immediate expulsion from the Reich of the non-German concerned. Publications which are counter to the general good are to be forbidden. We demand legal prosecution of artistic and literary forms which exert a destructive influence on our national life, and the closure of organizations opposing the above made demands.

24. We demand freedom of religion for all religious denominations within the state so long as they do not endanger its existence or oppose the moral senses of the Germanic race. The Party as such advocates the standpoint of a positive Christianity without binding itself confessionally to any one denomination. It combats the Jewish-materialistic spirit within and around us, and is convinced that a lasting recovery of our nation can only succeed from within on the framework: common utility precedes individual utility.

25. For the execution of all of this we demand the formation of a strong central power in the Reich. Unlimited authority of the central parliament over the whole Reich and its organizations in general. The forming of state and profession chambers for the execution of the laws made by the Reich within the various states of the confederation. The leaders of the Party promise, if necessary by sacrificing their own lives, to support by the execution of the points set forth above without consideration.

Adolf Hitler proclaimed the following explanation for this program on the 13 April 1928:

Explanation

Regarding the false interpretations of Point 17 of the program of the NSDAP on the part of our opponents, the following definition is necessary:

"Since the NSDAP stands on the platform of private ownership it happens that the passage" gratuitous expropriation concerns only the creation of legal opportunities to expropriate if necessary, land which has been illegally acquired or is not administered from the view-point of the national welfare. This is directed primarily against the Jewish land-speculation companies.

source

 

1931 Labour Party General Election Manifesto

Labour's call to action: the nation's opportunity

A decisive opportunity is given to the nation to reconstruct the foundations of its life.

The Capitalist system has broken down even in those countries where its authority was thought to be most secure.

Its fails to give employment to many millions of willing workers.

Its accumulates vast stocks of commodities which it is unable to distribute.

To re-establish its position, it now demands from the unemployed and the wage-earner the surrender of their hard-won standard of life; and it seeks to force the Government of this country to restrict or abandon those social services which the Labour Party believes to be an essential condition of a democratic society.

False front of 'unity'

The Labour Government was sacrificed to the clamour of Bankers and Financiers. Because it placed the needs of the workers before the demands of the rich, a so-called 'National' Government was installed in its place to wrest from Parliament the authority to satisfy them. The policy of that Government has proved a disastrous failure. Formed to maintain that gold standard which it declared in panic-stricken accents to be the indispensable condition of national safety, within less than three weeks it abandoned that standard with the insolent explanation that industry would benefit by the change.

Having failed completely in its original object, it now seeks from the electorate a mandate for the impossible task of rebuilding Capitalism. Composed of men who differ profoundly on all the main principles of public policy, unable to agree upon any of the essential methods by which to restore prosperity to the nation, this ill-assorted association of life-long antagonists seeks a blank cheque from the people for purposes it is unable to define. Acutely divided within itself; headed by men who are now acting in direct contradiction to their own previous convictions, certain, in the nera future, to split into fragments, it makes the shameless pretence of being the instrument of national unity.

The Labour Party is confident that the country will not be deceived by claims so arrogant and so dishonest.

We must plan or perish

The Labour Party seeks a majority from the electorate upon the basis of a coherent and definite programme. It reaffirms its conviction that Socialism provides the only solution for the evils resulting from unregulated competition and the domination of vested interests. It presses for the extension of public-owned industries and services operated solely in the interests of the people. It works for the substitution of co-ordinated planning for the anarchy of individualistic enterprise.

Labour insists that we must plan our civilisation or perish.

Labour government's record

The Labour Party reaffirms its faith in the considered principles of its programme of 1929 laid down in Labour and the Nation.

Despite the unexampled difficulties confronted by the Party when, as a Minority Government, and in the face of a world economic crisis, it took office two years ago, it made a substantial beginning in translating that programme into Acts of Parliament.

Its policy of national development resulted not only in economic public works of unprecendented magnitude, but also in strenuous attempts, by legislation and otherwise, to imrpove the efficiency of our agricultural, transport, coal and other chief industries. The Labour Government made important improvements in Unemployment Insurance and the consequent transfer of heavy burdens from the Poor Law. There were wide extensions of housing and pensions legislation, and the vigorous promotion of education and the health services. In the international field Labour's record was pre-eminent.

This record was achieved under the intolerable restrictions of its minority position in the House of Commons. Frustrated by political intrigues and the class-conscious hostility of the House of Lords and undermined by the organised pressue of business interests, it now asks for power to press forward rapidly to the fulfilment of its programme. In that endeavour it will tolerate no opposition from the House of Lords to the considered mandate of the People; and it will seek such emergency powers as are necessary to the full attainment of its objectives.

Socialist reconstruction imperative

The Labour Party recognises that the present situation calls for bold and rapid actions. The decay of capitalist civilisation brooks no delay. Measures of Socialist reconstruction must be vigorously pressed forward. That is the task to which Labour will lay its hand.

The banking system

The Labour Party is convinced, in the light particularly of experience since 1925, that the banking and credit system of the country can no longer be left in private hands. It must be brought directly under national ownership and control.

The Labour Party further is convinced of the need to form a National Investment Board with statutory powers for the control of dmoestic and foreign investment. It would seek powers from the new Parliament to effect this transformation.

Aiming at a monetary policy which will stabilise prices, the Labour Party condemns either currency inflation or a new and disastrous attempt at deflation to force sterling back to the old gold parity. It will take a vigorous initiative in calling an International Conference to arrive at a concerted monetary policy. It will seek thereby to make the resources of civilisation available for peoples who today in the new world, as in the old, are starving in the midst of plenty.

The Labour Party has never failed to insist upon the intimate relation between war debts, reparations, and economic depression. It believes that the general acceptance of President Hoover's Moratorium on War Debts permits a reconsideration of the whole question.

It seeks an immediate reopening of negotiations between the signatories of the Young Plan and the United States with a view to attaining the conditions in which Inter-Allied War Debts and Reparations may be cancelled.

Tariffs no cure

The Labour Party has no confidence in any attempt to bolster up a bankrupt Capitalism by a system of tariffs. Tariffs would artifically increase the cost of living. They would enrich private interests at the expense of the Nation. They would prejudice the prospect of international co-operation. In the circumstances produced by our departure from the gold standard, they have no relevance to economic need. In the face of the millions unemployed in high-tariff America and Germany, they are clearly no cure for unemployment. They would permanently injure our shipping and export trades and conceal our need for greater efficiency in industrial organisation.

The Labour Party urges a better way.

It urges the definite planning of industry and trade so as to produce the highest standard of life for the Nation.

As a first step, it proposes to reorganise the most important basic industries - Power, Transport, Iron and Steel - as public services owned and controlled in the national interest, with such a regulation of prices as will enable British industry to compete effectively in the markets of the world. Wherever necessary, Import Boards will be created for foodstuffs, raw material, and manufactured goods with all adequate powers of regulation and purchase. For the proper and organised conduct of export, machinery will be set up in connection with the principal industries.

Efficiency in industry

The Labour Party demands efficiency. Any special assistance of industry must be conditional upon the acceptance of the necessary measure of public ownership or control. Labour will insist upon the adoption of efficient methods of production so as to secure good conditions of employment for the worker. The consumer must be protected by effective regulation of prices.

Labour in power will remove the unjustified restrictions upon Trade Union activity introduce by the Tory Government in 1927; and it will press forward with legislation upon such matters as Workmen's Compensation, and the Conditions of the Hours of Labour.

Because it appreciates the vital importantance of the Co-operative Movement, the Labour Party will work in full alliance with co-operators, utilising their long experience and specialised knowledge.

The tragic position of the Coal Industry reveals the complete inability of private ownership to organise it as a national asset and Labour in power will proceed at the first opportunity to the unification of the industry under public ownership and control.

International disarmament

The Labour Party has always been in the van of the Movement for International Peace; and it is universally recognised that its record, as a Government, above all in solving disarmament by Arbitration, gave to Great Britain the moral leadership of the World. Labour will seek to make that record even more distinguished.

It will seek, at the Disarmament Conference next February, to put forward proposals for drastic and far-reaching reductions by international agreement, in the numbers and equipment of all armed forces, and in all expenditure upon them. Labour insists that without this policy of disarmament there cannot be either peace or security.

Labour will, as in the past, lend its full support to the use of the valuable machinery of the League of Nations in every phase of international activity.

The countryside

The Labour Government has already made a real beginning towards the scientific re-organisation of agriculture. The Labour Party will seek to press forward that development. It holds that, for this purpose, the land must be publicly ownered and controlled, and much more fully utilised for food production and the provision of employment under good conditions.

To achieve this end, full use must be made of the Acts passed under its auspices. The necessary machinery must be set up to make possible that comprehensive plan of development under which alone agriculture can become a prosperous industry.

The Labour Party emphasises its insistence that the condition of the farm-worker must be improved, especially by provision for Unemployment Insurance, a National Wages Board to control county wage machinery, and the abolition of the tied cottage.

India

The Labour Party places on record its conviction that the summoning of the Round Table Conference by the Labour Government in 1930 opened a new epoch in the history of our relations with India. It is convinced that its reassembly offers a unique opportunity to establish a new era of friendly partnership between the two peoples. While recognising the difficulties to be surmounted, the Labour Party will offer stern opposition to those who seek to prevent the Conference from bearing its full result.

If returned to power, Labour will leave no stone unturned to bring the Conference to a successful issue.

The Government's cuts

The Labour Ministers resigned because they refused to abandon Labour's cardinal principle that proper provision for the unemployed is a social duty and a national responsibility. Sound public policy demands the absorption of the unemployed into normal work; while that is being effected, adequate maintenance should be provided.

The Labour Party protests against the reduction in the rates of unemployment benefit and the increase in contributions. It denounces the introduction of Poor Law Tests and machinery into the administration of Unemployment Insurance.

It pledges itself to reverse immediately the harsh policy of the present Government.

The social services

Labour accepts a balanced Budget as the first condition of sound national finance, but it condemns the Economy Act as an unjustified means of attaining this end.

It pledges itself to maintain and develop the social services and to deal with the Rents Problem. It will restore, as rapidly as the claims of the unemployed and other depressed sections of the community permit, the remuneration of teachers and other public servants.

Labour asks for power

It is for these ends that the Labour Party asks for power at the forthcoming Election.

It warns the Nation that the alternative is the continuance in office of a Government harsh in purpose and incompetent in method, whose failure to produce a constructive policy offers no prospect of hope. Dominated as that Government is by the selfish interests of big business and finance, its return would encourage ruinous attacks on wages. Its victory would perpetuate the degradation and misery of unemployment. It would intensify nationalist economic conflict, and imperil all progress towards international co-operation and disarmament without which there can be no hope of peace or prosperity.

The Labour Party offers to the people of this country planned reconstruction, national and international, instead of the chaos and anarchy which are the parents of disaster. It recognises the gravity of the issue; it is prepared to meet it by bold and drastic remedies.

Given a majority, the Labour Party pledges itself to unsparing efforts to remove the spectres of want and insecurity from the homes of the people, that this and succeeding generations may be assured of a fuller and richer life. labour-party.org.uk

 

New Labour manifesto- 1997

Over the five years of a Labour government:

1 Education will be our number one priority, and we will increase the share of national income spent on education as we decrease it on the bills of economic and social failure

2 There will be no increase in the basic or top rates of income tax

3 We will provide stable economic growth with low inflation, and promote dynamic and competitive business and industry at home and abroad

4 We will get 250,000 young unemployed off benefit and into work

5 We will rebuild the NHS, reducing spending on administration and increasing spending on patient care

6 We will be tough on crime and tough on the causes of crime, and halve the time it takes persistent juvenile offenders to come to court

7 We will help build strong families and strong communities, and lay the foundations of a modern welfare state in pensions and community care

8 We will safeguard our environment, and develop an integrated transport policy to fight congestion and pollution

9 We will clean up politics, decentralise political power throughout the United Kingdom and put the funding of political parties on a proper and accountable basis

10 We will give Britain the leadership in Europe which Britain and Europe need

We have modernised the Labour Party and we will modernise Britain. This means knowing where we want to go; being clear-headed about the country's future; telling the truth; making tough choices; insisting that all parts of the public sector live within their means; taking on vested interests that hold people back; standing up to unreasonable demands from any quarter; and being prepared to give a moral lead where government has responsibilities it should not avoid.

Britain does deserve better. And new Labour will be better for Britain.

Tony Blair

more detailed version from source

 

a list of key points in neoliberalism:

transaction maximalisation

maximalisation of volume of transactions ('global flows')

contract maximalisation

supplier/contractor maximalisation

conversion of most social acts into market transactions

artificial maximalisation of competition and stress

creation of quasi-markets

reduction of inter-transaction interval

maximalisation of parties to each transaction

maximalisation of reach and effect of each transaction

maximalisation of hire/fire transactions in the labour market (nominal turnover)

maximalisation of assessment factors, by which compliance with a contract is measured reduction of the inter-assessment interval

creation of exaggerated or artificial assessment norms ('audit society')

Paul Treanor

Wikipedia

 

Captain Wardrobes

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